As a candidate, Sarkozy promised to reform labour markets. His first move concerns the infamous 35 hours workweek, not really a surprise. The shorter workweek had been introduced by the socialist government of Jospin with the explicit aim of sharing work to increase employment. It followed on earlier moves under President Mitterrand in the 1980s and under President Chirac in the 1990s. That the idea was mistaken may be obvious to (non-French) economists, but it remains controversial in France because substantial subsidies, introduced when the Jospin government realized that the measure could, well, actually reduce employment, make it difficult to identify its effects.
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The labour force in Britain has grown by 212 percent since 1851; over the same period, the number of jobs has grown by 212 percent. So - ignoring the business cycle - a market economy always provides more jobs, if there are more people «effectively» seeking work. The issue is how to increase the «effective» supply of labour. So let me focus mainly on the supply side of the labour market and, especially, on the problem of mobilising the unemployed in France. I will accordingly say a little about wage flexibility, which should be central to the demand side, and about skills.
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A year ago, the European Union was at a loss when Russia cut gas supplies to Europe through Ukraine and thus to Europe. Exactly one year later, Russia cuts oil supplies to Europe through Belarus, and the EU is equally lost. Seldom haws Russia so clearly displayed its principles. It is time for the EU to adopt policies on both Russia and energy. Otherwise, the cost of Europe's disorientation may grow exponentially.

Russia is a market economy, and even its state sector is highly commercialized. In the last few years, the Kremlin has successfully focused on boosting the price of Gazprom stocks, rendering it the third most valuable publicly traded company in the world. Part of this endeavor has been to abolish political subsidies to friendly former Soviet republics and let gas and oil prices approach market prices. Belarus was the last country to enjoy oil subsidies from Russia, and now they are gone.
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As currency markets start to question the soft landing scenario for the US economy and are impressed by growth prospects in Europe, the volatility of exchange rates is increasing and the euro is on the rise, both on a trade weighted basis and against the US dollar. Whether the rally will last or not is a relative issue. Assuming that the US housing market downturn remains contained and does not spread over the whole US economy, markets should be mostly sensitive to the news flow from Europe. In this regard, the latest batch of business surveys, starting with the Ifo index, was bullish for the European currency. So was the conspicuous silence of ECB's President Jean-Claude Trichet who, although repeating that Asian currencies should be more flexible, has not commented on the recent strength of the euro.
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Overseas acquisitions by Indian companies have suddenly gone on top gear. In the first nine months of 2006, there were 112 foreign acquisitions by Indian companies with a combined deal value of $7.2 billion. Last year it was $4.5 billion, which was itself several times more than the figure for 2004. What is triggering this surge, why now, and why it should worry the Europeans?

Let us examine the combination of the four factors which seems to interplay in this sharp turnaround:
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The downgrade of Italy by two credit rating agencies is likely to re-invigorate a theory that has some popularity in the financial markets, namely that Italy could well be the first casualty of an ill-conceived monetary union. The rationale: Italy has suffered from a huge loss of competitiveness, its productivity is at a standstill and its public debt is running out of control. Real life has demonstrated that the country cannot compete with her neighbours on a level playing field, i.e. not without the repeated 'shots in the arm' provided by devaluations. According to this line of reasoning, investors should ultimately impose a higher risk premium and, as debt servicing becomes more costly, their pessimism would turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy: Italians would start dreaming of a 1992-style devaluation as the only way to bail out their flagging economy, at the expense, of course, of their main trading partners.
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One thing has escaped analysts' attention about euro area GDP data so far this year - labour productivity. This key ingredient of economic welfare and catalyst of stock market performance has accelerated significantly. The reason for this oversight, unfortunately, is the poor performance of the European statistical system: very few countries produce timely and reliable data on productivity per worker, not to mention productivity per hour. Don't blame Eurostat for this woeful situation: this small EU Directorate cannot invent data that do not even exist at the national level of several large European economies. However, just because productivity is measured poorly, doesn't mean it should be overlooked. According to our tentative measurements, productivity per worker in the business sector, which grew on average by 0.7% from 1999 to 2005 on OECD estimates, reached 2.0% (annualised rate) in the first half of this year, peaking at 2.4% in the second quarter.
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