In the 1990s, a number of European countries undertook far-reaching labour market reforms to combat high unemployment. At their heart, these reforms were essentially a “carrot & stick” approach, where the “carrot” consisted of (mandatory) activation measures such as job search assistance, on-the-job training, or subsidized employment, while the “stick” consisted of sanctions on unemployment benefits for failure to comply with job search requirements. Specific sanctions ranged from the short-term discontinuation of benefits to permanent and in some cases substantial benefits reductions. As I read the current evaluation literature especially combinations of “assistance and sanctions” were successful in increasing the exit rate to work.

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The prescriptions of the 2004 Constitutional Treaty which proved to be the least controversial were, paradoxically, those in the field of the common foreign and security policy (CFSP). The arrangements agreed to in Berlin last weekend represent little change from the 2004 text. The most important elements are the creation of the new post of “High Representative”, the post of President of the Council and the development of a European diplomatic service. These measures will not, by themselves, turn the EU into a new type of international power-broker, but they will help the Union formulate joint policy and, above all, will assist in the coherent presentation of that policy to the outside world.
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Formal criteria don’t define the limits of Europe; they only delay the membership of determined applicants. The true limit is the EU’s capacity to absorb newcomers. Eastern enlargement challenged this capacity, but the forthcoming institutional reforms that allow the EU27 to function will – quite inadvertently – make it easier to enlarge the EU further. EU42 anyone?
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The new Dutch government has broken the silence on the future of the European Constitution since the negative referendum vote almost two years ago. Prime Minister Balkenende understands that further silence will have a cumulative and corrosive impact on the public support of European integration at home and abroad. The letter to the Parliament in The Hague addresses the recent fear for a European “superstate” of the Dutch people. Dutch diplomats are instructed to make the case for better regulation, fair burden sharing, and transparency of multi-level policymaking. The letter does not mention the fear for erratic Dutch diplomacy of European authorities and other national governments.
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The EU started life in circumstances that are almost unimaginable in today’s world. These irreproducible circumstances led to the creation of supranational institutions and rules – the 1957 Treaty of Rome – that are central to almost all of the EU’s difficulties as well as much of its strength. It also accounts for the fact that European integration has rarely stalled or been reversed.
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A year ago, the European Union was at a loss when Russia cut gas supplies to Europe through Ukraine and thus to Europe. Exactly one year later, Russia cuts oil supplies to Europe through Belarus, and the EU is equally lost. Seldom haws Russia so clearly displayed its principles. It is time for the EU to adopt policies on both Russia and energy. Otherwise, the cost of Europe's disorientation may grow exponentially.

Russia is a market economy, and even its state sector is highly commercialized. In the last few years, the Kremlin has successfully focused on boosting the price of Gazprom stocks, rendering it the third most valuable publicly traded company in the world. Part of this endeavor has been to abolish political subsidies to friendly former Soviet republics and let gas and oil prices approach market prices. Belarus was the last country to enjoy oil subsidies from Russia, and now they are gone.
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As currency markets start to question the soft landing scenario for the US economy and are impressed by growth prospects in Europe, the volatility of exchange rates is increasing and the euro is on the rise, both on a trade weighted basis and against the US dollar. Whether the rally will last or not is a relative issue. Assuming that the US housing market downturn remains contained and does not spread over the whole US economy, markets should be mostly sensitive to the news flow from Europe. In this regard, the latest batch of business surveys, starting with the Ifo index, was bullish for the European currency. So was the conspicuous silence of ECB's President Jean-Claude Trichet who, although repeating that Asian currencies should be more flexible, has not commented on the recent strength of the euro.
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